Hitler - A Final Appeal for Peace and Sanity - Hitler's Victory , by Justice for Germans

Video Transcript:

am Abend des 19. Juli, trat der deutsche Reichstag zur entgegennahme einer Erklärung der Reichsregierung zusammen. Der Führer begybt sich zu der Sitzung in die Kroll-Oper. Etwa 1000 Rundfunksender übertroben die historische Führerrede in 30 Sprachen über die ganze Welt. Der Führer hatte inmitten des Kroll-Oper. Der Führer hatte im Jahr 2000 die deutsche Welt, die im Jahr 2000 die Freihheit der deutschen Nation den Reichstag einberufen lassen, um den eigenen Volke die Einsicht in die historische Einmaligkeit der politischen Vorgänge zu erschließen, den verdienten Soldaten zu danken und den letzten Appell an die Vernunft auch in England zu richten. Der Führer hatte keine Grund, der zur Fortführung dieses Kampfes zwingen könnte. Das Ende werde die vollständige Zertrümmerung des einen der beiden kämpfenden sein. Mr. Churchill, so vor der Führerfort, mag glauben, dass dies Deutschland ist. Ich weiß, es wird England sein. Der Führer LOVE Er ist in Deutschland. Er ist in Deutschland. Der Führerat wirdicaner. Qin generals desk VerkleidungЯ und denestyle people of the German target in NARRATORal Zhan.linesse. Ich habe uns balancing Markt recognise wie dasschool is. найти die Blade die lackerابene Aegem whites und um die whoever Contrets, die Erfronen, die maneitere Distoredworte,verưở joints mit demз Situationen, der Am korriere und sea-gfreuner G ض tangible er oblte activities. Er muss dualonojos sein, dass die Minuten und soخ Strasse因ichens und Psychology von einer Konstanz darauf bewirken, in Schutzvinizien und Strassestate δ・・・ Delta. für Intentions- yet concealed. The program of the National Socialist Revolution, insofar as it concerned, the future development of the rights relationships with the surrounding world, was an attempt to obtain a revision of the Treaty of Versailles under all circumstances and as far as this was possible by peaceful means. This revision was by nature in necessity. The untenability of the provisions of Versailles lay not only in the humiliating discrimination, the disarmament of the German folk secured with the result that they lost their rights, but above all in the resultant, material destruction of the present and the intended destruction of the future of one of the greatest civilized peoples in the world. In the completely senseless accumulation of vast terrains under the mastery of a few states, in the depriving of the losers of irreplaceable Foundations for life and indispensable vital goods. The fact that insightful men on the side of the adversary, even while this Dictat was being composed, warned against the conclusive realization of the terms of this work of lunacy is proof of the persuasion prevalent, even in these ranks that it would be impossible to maintain this Dictat in the future. Their misgivings and their protests were silenced. By the assurance that the statutes of the newly created League of Nations secured the possibility of a revision of these provisions, indeed that it was authorized for such a revision, at no time was hoped for a revision regarded as something improper, but always as something quite natural, regrettably contrary to the will of the men responsible for the Versailles Dictat, the institution of Geneva never regarded itself as an agency for procuring sensible revisions, but rather from the beginning as the custodian of the ruthless implementation and maintenance of the provisions of Versailles and all endeavors of democratic Germany failed to obtain by means of revision an equality of rights for the German folk. It lies in the interest of the victor to portray as universally sanctified those conditions that benefit him while the essence of the instinct of self-preservation compelves the bankers to strive for a restoration of his general human rights. For him, Dictat, penned by an arrogant enemy, has even less force of law insofar as the victory of this enemy was a dishonest one. It was a rare misfortune that the German Reich was led exceedingly badly in the years 1914 to 18. To this and to the not otherwise instruct a trust and faith of the German folk in the word of democratic statesmen must our fall be ascribed. It was thus that the joint British French endeavor to portray the Versailles Dictat, as some type of international or higher justice, must have appeared to every honest German as nothing more than an insolent, usurpation, the supposition that the British or French statesmen of all people were custodians of justice itself or even of human culture was a stupid affronter. It wasn't affront, which is sufficiently elucidated by their own inferior performances in these fields. For rarely has this world been governed with a greater deficit of cleverness, morality, and culture than in that part of it, which is presently at the mercy of the fury of certain democratic statesmen. The national social movement has, besides its delivery from the Jewish capital, shackles imposed by a plutocratic democratic dwindling class of exploiters at home, pronounced its resolve to free the right from the shackles of the Dictat of Versailles abroad. The German demands for a revision were an absolute necessity, a matter of course, for the existence and the honor of any great people. Posterity will someday come to regard them as exceedingly modest. All these demands had to be carried through in practice against the will of the British French potentates. Now more than ever, we all see it as a success of the leadership of the Third Reich that the realization of these revisions was possible for years without resort to war. This was not the case as the British and French demagogues would have it, because we were not then in a position to wage war. When it finally appeared as though, thanks to a gradually awakening common sense, a peaceful resolution of the remaining problems could be reached through international cooperation. The agreement concluded in this spirit on September 29, 1938, at Munich, by the four great states predominantly involved, was not welcomed by public opinion in London and Paris, but was condemned as a despicable sign of weakness. The Jewish capitalist warmongers, their hands covered with blood, saw in the possible success of such peaceful revision, the vanishing of plausible grounds for the realization of their insane plans. Once again, that conspiracy of pitiful, corrupt, political creatures and greedy financial maggots made its appearance, for whom war is a welcome means to bolster business. The international Jewish poison of the peoples began to agitate against and to corrode healthy minds, men of letters, set out to portray decent men, who desired peace as weaklings and traders, to denounce opposition parties, as a fifth column, in order to eliminate internal resistance to their criminal policy of war. Jews and freenasons, armament-industrialous and war-profitier, international traders and stock-jobbers, found political black guards, desperados, and glory seekers, who represented war as something to be yearned for and hence wished for. It is to be ascribed to these criminal elements that the Polish state was incited to assume a posture which stood in no relation to the German demand and even less to the consequences that resulted. The German Reich, in particular, with regard to Poland, has shown restraint ever since the national socialist lies to power. One of the basest and stupidest provisions of the Versailles taut, namely, the tearing away of an old German province from the Reich, already cried for a revision in and of itself. But what is it that I demand it at the time? I must, in this context, prefer to my own person. No other statesman could have afforded to propose a solution to the German nation in the way I did. It comprised merely the return of dancing, that is to say, of an ancient purely German city to the Reich, as well as the creation of a connection of the German Reich to its severed province. And this only pursuant to plebiscites conducted, in turn, under the auspices of an international forum. If Mr. Churchill, or any other warmubers, had, but a fraction of the sense of responsibility I felt towards Europe, they could not have played so profidious a game. For it need be ascribed solely to these vested interests in war, both within Europe and beyond, that Poland rejected the proposals which neither compromised, its existence, nor its honor, and instead, resorted to terror and arms. And it was truly superhuman restraint without precedent, which for months led us, in spite of persistent assassination attempts on ethnic Germans, indeed, in spite of the slaughter of tens of thousands of German folks Gnussen, our people, to continue to search for a path toward peaceful understanding. For what was the situation like? One of the creations of the Diktot of Versailles, the most divorced from reality, a bogey, inflated militarily and politically, insulted as a threat to the German and the German army, and politically, insulted as a state for many months, threatening to beat it, to fight battles before Berlin, to smash the German army to pieces, to transfer the border to the odor or the elbow rivers, it went on and on, and this state, Germany watches, the goings on, patiently for months, although one good swipe would have suffice for us to burst this bubble that was inflated by stupidity and arrogance. On September 2nd, this struggle could yet have been avoided. Mussolini made a proposal to put an immediate end to the hostilities and to negotiate peacefully. Though Germany's sides are about advancing victoriously, I accepted this nonetheless, but the angle French warmongers in Germany was not a threat to the German army and the German army was not a threat to the German army and the German army was not a threat to the German army and the German army was not a threat to the German army and the German army was not a threat to the German army or as well as the German army Und besides, was are polls, checks or other such N Hisallahs nationalities to these citizens of the world?